With
good reason, the Rule of the Splintered Paddle has achieved
iconic status in Hawaiian history and culture. Ironically, though,
much of its import was lost soon after Kamehameha delivered
his edict. It was announced in the closing years of Hawaiian
inter-island warfare. With their passing, the context for his
rule was quickly forgotten.
The
Rule of the Splintered Paddle is revered among the people of
Hawaii as a symbol of protection and compassion.1
For that alone, it deserves respect. But we should also appreciate
the Splintered Paddle's potential impact far beyond Hawaii.
It stands as a landmark in the development of rules for humanitarian
constraint in war, and points the way forward for international
humanitarian law in the twenty-first century. International
humanitarian law, also known in the armed forces as the law
of war, is used to save lives and alleviate suffering in time
of war.
The
Law of the Splintered Paddle
In
the mid-1780s Kamehameha was well launched on the military campaigns
by which he unified the Hawaiian Islands. In those days a small,
otherwise insignificant encounter gave rise to the Rule of the
Splintered Paddle. Following a harrowing overnight voyage in
waters rimming the Big Island coast, a raiding party, led by
Kamehameha, pulled ashore near an inviting target of opportunity.
He tore ahead of his men and went straight for his quarry, a
group of men and women from a nearby fishing village.
Two
men stayed behind to buy time while their neighbors scooped
up children, grabbed fishing nets and fled for their lives.
A hole in the lava beds caught Kamehameha's foot, and they seized
their opportunity. Kamehameha fought them off and tried to pull
free, but eventually one man found an opening and smashed a
wooden paddle over his head.
They
ran as Kamehameha collapsed in a bleeding heap and his men surged
forward to his rescue. There are several traditions on what
happened next. According to one, his opponents were captured
soon after and brought to a hut where Kamehameha convalesced,
uncharacteristically prostrate from their blows. According to
another tradition, they were brought before him some years later,
after he had fully subjugated the island of Hawaii. At that
point diverging threads of tradition reassemble, and the story
reaches much the same conclusion in each version.2
They
expected to die. Kamehameha asked the principal assailant why
he hadn't struck twice. The reply, "if I had known you
were still alive I would have struck again." Rather than
confirm what they already knew - that death awaited them - Kamehameha
decided, instead, that he had been in the wrong to attack them.
They were fishermen, not warriors. They were freed, given land,
and became Kamehameha's loyal allies.
Drawing
on his power to issue edicts and to bring his wrath on those
who disobeyed, Kamehameha pronounced a rule for future guidance
famed as the Kanawai Mamala-hoe, translated as the Rule of
the Splintered Paddle. "Let the aged, men and women, and
children lie down by the road in safety." In other words,
spare civilians not taking part in the fight. They are non-combatants.
They shall not be targeted. Attack them and you shall be punished.
The
rule seems to have had antecedents in the discretionary power
of chiefs to grant clemency, but Kamehameha's edict turned an
act of grace into a rule governing the conduct of war. It was
applied in the field soon after. When Kamehameha's forces attacked
a rival chief and his followers in 1791, he invoked the Kanawai
Mamala-hoe to stop further slaughter of his defeated enemies.
Some of our insights come from Samuel Kamakau, a native nineteenth
century Hawaiian historian who recorded oral traditions from
Kamehameha's time and wrote about the Kanawai Mamala-hoe.
Kamakau
recorded that thousands of lives were saved that day thanks
to invocation of the Splintered Paddle. Kamehameha enforced
the rule against protests from his followers and the in the
face of doubts about his ultimate success. Though the law of
war was not Kamakau's reference point, he did capture the moral
imperative for such rules. "It was a righteous thing (mea
kupono) that Kamehameha did, against the opposition of his friends,
because the outcome of the war for the kingdom was still undecided."3
The
Rule of the Splintered Paddle is internationally important for
two reasons. First, it represents the last dramatic breakthrough
in
the development of customary international laws of war. From
antiquity on, rules of war had evolved from battlefield customs
that eventually became binding norms. Such norms are known as
customary international law. They were found in war (e.g. the
use of white flags on a battlefield to signal surrender or a
desire to communicate with the other side) and peace (e.g. the
obligation to rescue shipwrecked sailors at sea) alike. Second,
it is important because the treaty-based system that replaced
the Splintered Paddle and its antecedents will not progress
much further until it gets a strong boost from new customary
law and practice.
International
Humanitarian Law through the Twentieth Century
Customary
rules of war continued to control the means and methods of combat
through the first half of the nineteenth century, though with
no dramatic change from what they had been in the eighteenth.
In the 1860s our modern, legislative paradigm took hold. The
Geneva Convention of 1864 was proposed and championed by Henri
Dunant and his colleagues who founded the International Committee
of the Red Cross and the International Red Cross & Red Crescent
Movement. It provided for protection of wounded and sick soldiers
in battle.
Though
it took a long time for other treaties to follow, the customary
approach of developing the law through field based practice
never disappeared entirely. In 1863 President Lincoln promulgated
the Lieber Code, history's first example of a comprehensive
set of rules regulating an army in wartime. It served as
a model code, and was the impetus for much debate, up until
the
beginning of the twentieth century.
The
Geneva Convention was followed, in 1899 and 1907, by treaties
that regulated land and maritime warfare. Based on the experience
of World War One the legislative, treaty-based system was reinforced
with new agreements that prohibited chemical warfare, regulated
maritime warfare, updated the Geneva Convention for wounded
and sick on land and established a new treaty for
the protection of prisoners of war. The horrors of World War
Two led to the adoption of four new Geneva Conventions in 1949.
The
Geneva Conventions of 1949 remain at the heart of the law today.
They provide for protection of wounded, sick and shipwrecked
members of armed forces, prisoners of war and civilians. In
1977 they were supplemented by two Protocols Additional to the
Geneva Conventions of 1949. These protocols were intended to
update rules for both international and internal armed conflict.4
The
years since have been marked by efforts to advance the law in
relation to means of war. Notable examples of treaty-based efforts
are the 1980 UN Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons and
the 1997 Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling,
Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their
Destruction. That this system of law would flourish seems assured
by growing public interest and awareness of issues relating
to the law of war.
In
recent years the term international humanitarian law has come
to prominence and is found often in journalistic coverage of
military operations and diplomatic events. Though the armed
forces retain "law of war" as their usage, "international
humanitarian law" has come to be associated with these
rules. Under this newer terminology, the rules of war get more
sustained public attention than at any time in history. The
democratization of the treaty-based system of international
humanitarian law was affirmed by the vital role NGO's played
in pushing through the Convention on Anti-personnel mines. Finally,
the Rome treaty of 1998 provides for the establishment of a
standing international criminal tribunal to try war crimes cases.
The future seems bright for our treaty-based system of international
humanitarian law. However, it is not.
In
a sense, International humanitarian law is overdeveloped. While
changes in weapons technology may, from time to time, call for
new humanitarian constraints to head off avoidable and militarily
unnecessary forms of suffering, the law cannot go much further
in its present form and make a difference on the ground. The
law of war, as written, is premised on the existence of organized,
trained, disciplined armed forces operating under a responsible
chain of command. It's unstated, but understood, that these
forces will answer to political leaders who have a stake in
the international legal and diplomatic system and are susceptible
to economic, legal and political pressure.
Such
premises are sometimes dubious in the early twenty-first century,
and the points of leverage sometimes illusory. Many conflicts
involve emerging new categories of combatants, to include private
armies, undisciplined gangs, political units that resemble organized
criminal enterprises as much as they resemble conventional states,
and roving ideological warriors who move freely across borders
and are unattached to any nation's armed forces. Some states
seem to hold no allegiance to, or stake in the established international
legal and political system. They are no more inclined to subscribe
to the rules of war as we know them than are the emerging new
combatants.
Our
recent emphasis on the establishment of international criminal
tribunals only underscores a lack of respect, in many instances,
for the law that already exists. Where genocide or ethnic cleansing
is a strategic goal in war, as it sometimes is today, then the
law itself is merely an obstacle to overcome. Sometimes, it
is not much of one at that. International criminal tribunals
are a weak substitute for military resolve in the face of calculated,
systematic mass murder.
The
fact is we don't know how to prevent war crimes among recalcitrant
armed forces, other than by way of decisive military intervention.
Adding new treaties won't achieve much if there's little respect
for those that already exist. In fact, after a certain point
added treaties may undermine rather than enhance the law. All
we will do with a growing list of ignored treaties is invite
doubts as to the viability of international humanitarian law.
War crimes trials are important to achieve justice and ensure
that the suffering of victims is not forgotten, but there is
no evidence that our recent emphasis on international criminal
tribunals will avert any crimes or encourage better application
of international humanitarian law.
The
Edict of Kanawai Mamala-hoe Illuminates the Way Ahead
We
need diagnostic tools to understand the causes of war crimes.
We haven't even invented a stethoscope to help with that diagnosis,
let alone X-ray or MRI technology. Treaties and tribunals alone
are weak instruments for preventive application of international
humanitarian law.
We
need to find ways to train, persuade, and inculcate humanitarian
norms that will be applied in war zones. Some armed forces respect
these rules and apply them. Others do not know of them. In the
worst cases, these rules are viewed with absolute contempt.
Before
we go further in promoting new treaties or looking to the courts
for an answer to these challenges, it's time to embrace an interdisciplinary
approach to the challenge of war crimes and implementation of
international humanitarian law. To cite but a few examples,
criminologists can help to shed light on the motives and mindset
of those likely to commit war crimes, anthropologists can identify
traditional humanitarian values and communications strategies
to build on them, military professionals can begin to formulate
military theories and doctrine for counter-genocide operations.
Hawaii,
home to the Rule of the Splintered Paddle, holds promise to
become the birthplace for much innovative work that needs to
be done in the twenty-first century. The Center of Excellence
is clearly a leader in the interdisciplinary approach to emergency
response, has played an innovative role in law of war/international
humanitarian law training since the Center's inception, and
provides a unique link between the military and humanitarian
communities. It has the potential to contribute much to research
and development in this field as its programs grow. The University
of Hawaii has quickly taken on a leadership role in interdisciplinary
graduate education for the humanitarian community, to include
training in international humanitarian and human rights law.
The University is a promising site for cutting edge, interdisciplinary
research into these challenges not only in the Asia-Pacific
region but around the world. The Asia-Pacific Center for Security
Studies forms another vital link with seminars and research
programs that further the professional development of military
leaders across the Pacific Rim. The Henri Dunant Institute of
the Pacific is one of only a handful of organizations around
the world devoted to the advancement of international humanitarian
law, and could be a valuable partner in all of this work.
Before
we invest much in further treaty-making, we need to devise creative
new approaches for the application of international humanitarian
law. Once we understand what works in emerging new conflict
environments, we'll have a stronger basis for legislative rule-making.
Our greatest single challenge is to convince strong, charismatic
leaders outside of the established international system that
there is advantage and wisdom in the rules of war. Kamehameha
and his followers would have understood.
Customary
rules of war tended to develop incrementally, and Kamehameha's
edict is striking for the sweeping principle enunciated and
the speed with which it was embraced throughout the islands.
The edict of the Splintered Paddle is also striking as it came
shortly before the treaty-based system of international law
eclipsed customary rules of war. However, the treaty-based system
has reached a point of diminishing returns as we enter the twenty-first
century. Before it can be revitalized, we need to know that
future treaties will be informed by practical field-based observations,
experience and, one hopes, successful innovations.
Though
no one seems to have noticed, the Rule of the Splintered Paddle
stood for generations as the last great stride forward in an
ancient, sometimes outdated system of rules of war. But times
have changed, and it now marks a new beginning rather than just
the dramatic end point for an old process of rule-making. The
Splintered Paddle capped an old but essential path for creating
and implementing international humanitarian law. Today, it points
our way to meet some of the biggest challenges of the century
ahead. 
Michael
Hoffman is an attorney and the American Red Cross Director of
International Humanitarian Law & Policy. His fieldwork includes
service as an Army judge advocate in Korea (he is a retired
lieutenant colonel in the Army Reserve), as an American Red
Cross representative in the Middle East, and as an ICRC delegate
in Sri Lanka. His research interest is in developing practical,
field based strategies for implementation of international law.
All opinions expressed in this article are those of the author
and not necessarily of any mentioned organization.

1.
See the Hawaii State Constitution, Section 10.
"The
law of the splintered paddle, mamala-hoe kanawai, decreed by
Kamehameha I - Let every elderly person, woman and child lie
by the roadside in safety - shall be a unique and living symbol
of the State's concern for the public safety. The State shall
have the power to provide for the safety of the people from
crimes against persons and property."
2.
For two basic versions see Dr. N.B. Emerson, Mamala-Hoa, Tenth
Annual Report of the Hawaiian Historical Society (Hawaiian Gazette
Company, Ltd.: Honolulu 1903) pp. 15-29 and Albert Pierce Taylor,
Kamehameha's 'Law of the Splintered Paddle', Paradise of the
Pacific, April 1927.
3.
Samuel Manaiakalani Kamakau, Ka Po`e Kahiko The People Of Old,
Translated by Mary Kawena Pukui, arranged and edited by Dorothy
B. Barrere (Honolulu: Bishop Museum Press:1991) pp. 16-17
4.
The United States has not ratified the Protocols. However, the
US does acknowledge that some of the rules set forth in the
Protocols do reflect (never quite extinguished and still evolving)
customary international law.