Session
1
Foreign Policy Choices and Building
Coalitions in Complex Contingencies
Purpose
This
session allowed for detailed consideration of strategic level issues
that arise in developing a response to a complex conflict situation.
These issues typically arise prior to deployment of a multinational
force or the commencement of a peace support operation.
Background
The
success of multinational peace support operations depends heavily
on the cohesiveness of the various coalitions that are formed at
the outset of a crisis and throughout the various stages of its
life. Each nation is in a position to make various choices about
if, when and how it will participate. Each situation is different
in time, place, and nature, and it will have a unique coalition
makeup and character that has resulted from the foreign policy decisions
that nations make in response to that particular crisis situation.
Understanding and discussing the kinds of choices that exist, their
implications and the challenges to building coalitions brings a
more complete comprehension of the broader strategic elements that
are inherent to a planned international response.
Discussion
Points
-
What kinds of choices can nations make and what do they base those
choices on?
-
Who are the actors involved in these decisions?
-
How do they evaluate and process participation in a peace support
operation or coalition?
-
What are the challenges to building coalitions?
-
How does the nature of the coalition affect the development and
execution of the operation?
-
What role does the UN play in determining the make-up of a peace
support operation?
-
What are the issues of authority and command in multinational,
coalition and civil operations?
-
How does the complex strategic environment impact on leadership
in a UN or a 'coalition of the willing' operation?
Discussion
Summary
The
international community, or regional countries, will be interested
in taking a country to reach normalcy - however the tools they may
employ could be quite different. The security tool which engages
the Security Council seems to be an anomaly, and the point where
the international community becomes less engaged - what is it in
that dynamic?
The
Security Council is now well engaged. However, there is a lag. The
Security Council does not yet define in the mandate what the end
state is, and what actually has to happen, to get the conflicted
area to a state of normalcy. End states are dependent upon Security
Council resolution content and process. The end state by its nature
includes mission exit strategies and situational end states.
Some
countries have foreign policy peacekeeping legislation for peacekeeping
operations; others do not. Countries may be requested to participate
by the UN, which is considered by that nation on a case-by-case
basis, but yet this participation or lack of participation does
not necessarily create policy changes. National policy can be in
support of classic or traditional peacekeeping, as under Chapter
VI, but participation will still be evaluated on a case-by-case
basis. Some countries are challenged to participate effectively
in peace support operations because of a lack of language proficiency.
Or, a country has many troops, but no experience in peacekeeping.
Perhaps they are small and lack other resources and capabilities.
The
nature of conflict has changed and the response has changed also.
A coalition of the willing is one of the options for the international
community to respond with. A country may view itself as part of
a regional group, such as ASEAN, ARF, Indian Ocean Rim Association,
or SOAC, or a sub-regional group, such as the Pacific Islands Forum.
SHERBRIG is another model. The US may serve as a facilitator where
political agreement is difficult.
Some
countries are capable of responding on their own but not for an
extended period of time. Long term requires UN support. Coalitions
may be willing politically but may lack financial resources. Some
countries may have internal disruptions, for which they employ the
use of their own armed forces, but the ultimate solution comes from
politicians. In conflicted societies, states with difficulties where
a great deal of political and diplomatic effort is required, these
are equally applicable issues as when the international community
is intervening. There are different kinds of assistance -- NGOs
etc. -- who specialize in conflict resolution. Those on the outside
can only offer tools. Encourage homegrown solutions and avoid parachuting
in foreigners with their own ideas.
Participation
entails subtle foreign relations impacts. The policy is impartiality
-- but if it becomes necessary to use force, the results will have
repercussions on relations with parties to the conflict. The consequences
of the use of force will have consequences on foreign relations
that have to be predicted.
An
important aspect is information gathering. Developing nations particularly
are sensitive to the word 'intelligence.' They don't want the UN
to have an intelligence unit. But many conflicts are now internal
-- to the extent that UN Development Program (UNDP) desk officers'
jobs are to follow events in countries and keep in contact with
colleagues with other organizations -- but it has to be made clear
that UN is not trying to run things in that country. It has to be
called 'information.' UNDP has to work in collaboration with national
governments so that it is understood that UN intentions are not
spying.
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